Japanese pitch accent
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Japanese pitch accent (高低アクセント, kōtei akusento) is a feature of the Japanese language that distinguishes words by accenting particular morae in most Japanese dialects. The nature and location of the accent for a given word may vary between dialects. For instance, the word for "river" is [ka.waꜜ] in the Tokyo dialect, with the accent on the second mora, but in the Kansai dialect it is [kaꜜ.wa]. A final [i] or [ɯ] is often devoiced to [i̥] or [ɯ̥] after a downstep and an unvoiced consonant.
Standard Japanese
[edit]Normative pitch accent, essentially the pitch accent of the Tokyo Yamanote dialect, is considered essential in jobs such as broadcasting. The current standards for pitch accent are presented in special accent dictionaries for native speakers such as the Shin Meikai Nihongo Akusento Jiten (新明解日本語アクセント辞典) and the NHK Nihongo Hatsuon Akusento Jiten (NHK日本語発音アクセント辞典). Newsreaders and other speech professionals are required to follow these standards.
Foreign learners of Japanese are often not taught to pronounce the pitch accent, though it is included in some noted texts, such as Japanese: The Spoken Language. Incorrect pitch accent is a strong characteristic of a "foreign accent" in Japanese.
Scalar pitch
[edit]In standard Japanese, pitch accent has the following effect on words spoken in isolation:
- The following accent types are collectively known as 起伏式 kifukushiki (literally, "rise-and-fall"):
- If the accent is on the first mora, then the pitch starts high, drops suddenly on the second mora, then levels out. The pitch may fall across both morae, or mostly on one or the other (depending on the sequence of sounds)—that is, the first mora may end with a high falling pitch, or the second may begin with a (low) falling pitch, but the first mora will be considered accented regardless. The Japanese describe this as 頭高型 atamadakagata (literally, "head-high").
- If the accent is on a mora other than the first or the last, then the pitch has an initial rise from a low starting point, reaches a near-maximum at the accented mora, then drops suddenly on any following morae. This accent is referred to as 中高型 nakadakagata ("middle-high").
- If the word has an accent on the last mora, the pitch rises from a low start up to a high pitch on the last mora. Words with this accent are indistinguishable from accentless words unless followed by a particle such as が ga or に ni, on which the pitch drops. In Japanese this accent is called 尾高型 odakagata ("tail-high").
- If the word does not have an accent, the pitch rises from a low starting point on the first mora or two, and then levels out in the middle of the speaker's range, without ever reaching the high tone of an accented mora. In Japanese this accent is named "flat" (平板式 heibanshiki).
Note that accent rules apply to phonological words, which include any following particles. So the sequence "hashi" spoken in isolation can be accented in two ways, either háshi (accent on the first syllable, meaning 'chopsticks') or hashí (flat or accent on the second syllable, meaning either 'edge' or 'bridge'), while "hashi" plus the subject-marker "ga" can be accented on the first syllable or the second, or be flat/accentless: háshiga 'chopsticks', hashíga 'bridge', or hashiga 'edge'.
In poetry, a word such as 面白い omoshirói, which has the accent on the fourth mora ro, is pronounced in five beats (morae). When initial in the phrase (and therefore starting out with a low pitch), the pitch typically rises on the o, levels out at mid range on the moshi, peaks on the ro, and then drops suddenly on the i, producing a falling tone on the roi.
In all cases but final accent, there is a general declination (gradual decline) of pitch across the phrase. This, and the initial rise, are part of the prosody of the phrase, not lexical accent, and are larger in scope than the phonological word. That is, within the overall pitch-contour of the phrase there may be more than one phonological word, and thus potentially more than one accent.
Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts
[edit]An "accent nucleus"[1] (アクセント核 akusento kaku) or "accent locus" is another name for an accented mora, a mora that carries a high tone and is followed by a mora with a low tone. In other words, the precipitous drop in pitch occurs right at the boundary between the accent nucleus and the mora immediately after it. Unaccented words (of the heiban type) do not have an accent nucleus.
Unlike regular morae or 自立拍 (jiritsu haku "autonomous beats"), defective morae[1] or 特殊拍 (tokushu haku "special beats") cannot generally be accent nuclei. They historically arose through various processes that limited their occurrences and prominence in terms of accent-carrying capability. There are four types of them:
- The 撥音 (hatsuon "moraic nasal", /N/, written in kana as ん or ン): derived from Middle Chinese coda consonants (/n/ and /m/) (e.g.: /kaN/; /wemu/ > /eN/), but also arose naturally through onbin (e.g.: /yomite/ > /yoNde/)
- The 促音 (sokuon "moraic obstruent", /Q/, written in kana as っ or ッ): mainly arose through onbin (e.g.: /katite/ > /kaQte/) or through consonant assimilation (e.g.: /setpuku/ > /seQpuku/)
- The lengthening half of a long vowel (/R/, written in kana as あ/ア, い/イ, う/ウ, え/エ, お/オ or ー): arose through consonant losses (e.g.: /kakasaN/ > /kaRsaN/), vowel shifts or vowel assimilation during Late Middle Japanese (e.g.: /eu/ > /joR/; /joũ/ > /joR/)
- The morphologically bound /i/ (/I/, written in kana as い/イ): derived from a Middle Chinese offglide (e.g.: /taI/; /tuI/) or arose through onbin (e.g.: /kakisiro/ > /kaIsiro/)
While the accent patterns of single words are often unpredictable, those of compounds are often rule-based. Take the suffix 市 (-shi), for example. When compounding with a place name to form a city name, the accent nucleus of the resulting compound is usually immediately before 市 itself:
- 千葉 (Chiba): HꜜL > 千葉市 (Chiba-shi "Chiba City"): L-HꜜL /tibaꜜsi/
But if the mora before 市 is defective, the accent must shift one mora backward:
- 白山 (Hakusan): HꜜL-L-L > 白山市 (Hakusan-shi "Hakusan City"): L-H-HꜜL-L /hakusaꜜNsi/
- 西条 (Saijō): HꜜL-L-L > 西条市 (Saijō-shi "Saijō City"): L-H-HꜜL-L /saIzjoꜜRsi/
- 仙台 (Sendai): HꜜL-L-L > 仙台市 (Sendai-shi "Sendai City"): L-H-HꜜL-L /seNdaꜜIsi/
A defective mora can be an accent nucleus only if the mora following it is also defective:[2]
- ロンドンっ子 (Rondon-kko "Londoner"): L-H-H-HꜜL-L /roNdoNꜜQko/
- 東京っ子 (Tōkyō-kko "Tokyoite"): L-H-H-HꜜL-L /toRkjoRꜜQko/
- 現代っ子 (gendai-kko "modern person"): L-H-H-HꜜL-L /ɡeNdaIꜜQko/
Compoundified compound nouns vs noncompoundified compound nouns
[edit]In general, Japanese utterances can be syntactically split into discrete phrases. For example, the utterance 母が料理をして父が皿を洗います (Haha-ga ryōri-o shite chichi-ga sara-o arai-masu "My mother cooks and my father washes the dishes") can be subdivided into the following phrases:
- 母が (haha-ga)
- 料理を (ryōri-o)
- して (shite)
- 父が (chichi-ga)
- 皿を (sara-o)
- 洗います (arai-masu)
The general structure of these phrases is that a syntactically free morpheme is followed by one or more syntactically bound morphemes. Free morphemes are nouns, adjectives and verbs, while bound morphemes are particles and auxiliaries. In the above utterance, the free morphemes are 母, 料理, して, 父, 皿, and 洗い while the bound ones are が, を and ます. The accent pattern of the entire utterance could be something like this:
ha-ha-ga | ryo-o-ri-o | shi-te | chi-chi-ga | sa-ra-o | a-ra-i-ma-su |
HꜜL-L | HꜜL-L-L | L-H | HꜜL-L | L-H-H | L-H-H-HꜜL |
Ideally, each phrase can carry at most one accent nucleus (in the above example, ha-ha-ga, ryo-o-ri-o, chi-chi-ga and a-ra-i-ma-su), and such accent nucleus is based solely on the lexical accent nucleus of the free morpheme of that phrase (bound morphemes do not have lexical accent patterns, and whatever accent patterns they do have is dependent on those of the free morphemes they follow). However, the situation becomes complicated when it comes to compound nouns.
When multiple independent nouns are placed successively, they syntactically form a compound noun. For example:
- 第 (dai) + 一次 (ichiji) + 世界 (sekai) + 大戦 (taisen) > 第一次世界大戦 (Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen "World War I")
At the phrasal level, compound nouns are well contained within a phrase, no matter how long they are. Thus, the utterance ヨーロッパは第一次世界大戦では主戦場となった (Yōroppa-wa Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen-de-wa shusenjō-to natta "Europe was the main theater of war in World War I") is subdivided into phrases as follows:
- ヨーロッパは (Yōroppa-wa)
- 第一次世界大戦では (Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen-de-wa)
- 主戦場と (shusenjō-to)
- なった (natta)
As Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen-de-wa is an entire a phrase in itself, it should ideally carry at most one accent nucleus, the lexical accent nucleus of the free compound noun Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen. In actuality, Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen, as a compound noun, is capable of carrying more than one accent nucleus. While still being a syntactic compound, its components might not be solidly "fused" together and still retain their own lexical accent nuclei. Whether Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen should have one nucleus of its own, or several nuclei of its constituents, is a matter of whether it is a "compoundified compound noun" (複合語化複合名詞 fukugōgoka fukugō meishi) or "noncompoundified compound noun" (非複合語化複合名詞 hifukugōgoka fukugō meishi).[3] The "compoundification" status of a compound noun is lexical, meaning that whether such compound noun is long or short, or simple or complex, is not relevant to whether it is "compoundified" or not. A yojijukugo such as 世代交代 (sedai-kōtai "change of generation") may be treated as "compoundified," with a single accent nucleus:[4]
世代交代 |
---|
se-da-i-ko-o-ta-i |
L-H-H-HꜜL-L-L |
Meanwhile, a different four-kanji compound noun, 新旧交代 (shinkyū-kōtai "transition between the old and the new"),[4] is treated as "noncompoundified", and retains the lexical accent nuclei of its constituents (in this case 新旧 and 交代):
新旧 + 交代 |
---|
shi-n-kyu-u + ko-o-ta-i |
HꜜL-L-L + H-H-H-H |
Some compound nouns, such as 核廃棄物 (kaku-haikibutsu "nuclear waste"), can be, on a preferential basis, either "compoundified" or "noncompoundified":
核廃棄物 | 核 + 廃棄物 |
---|---|
ka-ku-ha-i-ki-bu-tsu | ka-ku + ha-i-ki-bu-tsu |
L-H-H-H-HꜜL-L | HꜜL + L-H-HꜜL-L |
For "noncompoundified" compound nouns, which constituents should be allowed for may also vary. For example, the above 第一次世界大戦:
第一次 + 世界大戦 | 第 + 一次 + 世界大戦 |
---|---|
da-i-i-chi-ji + se-ka-i-ta-i-se-n | da-i + i-chi-ji + se-ka-i-ta-i-se-n |
HꜜL-L-L-L + L-H-H-HꜜL-L-L | HꜜL + L-HꜜL + L-H-H-HꜜL-L-L |
Binary pitch
[edit]The foregoing describes the actual pitch. In most guides, however, accent is presented with a two-pitch-level model. In this representation, each mora is either high (H) or low (L) in pitch, with the shift from high to low of an accented mora transcribed HꜜL.
- If the accent is on the first mora, then the first syllable is high-pitched and the others are low: HꜜL, HꜜL-L, HꜜL-L-L, HꜜL-L-L-L, etc.
- If the accent is on a mora other than the first, then the first mora is low, the following morae up to and including the accented one are high, and the rest are low: L-Hꜜ, L-HꜜL, L-H-HꜜL, L-H-H-HꜜL, etc.
- If the word is heiban (accentless), the first mora is low and the others are high: L-H, L-H-H, L-H-H-H, L-H-H-H-H, etc. This high pitch spreads to unaccented grammatical particles that attach to the end of the word, whereas these would have a low pitch when attached to an accented word (including one accented on the final mora).
Phonetically, although only the terms "high" and "low" are used, the "high" of an unaccented mora is not as high as an accented mora. Different analyses may treat final-accented (odaka) words and unaccented (heiban) words as identical and only distinguishable by a following particle, or phonetically contrastive and potentially phonemic based on how high a "high" tone actually is (see the Tertiary pitch subsection below). And the phonetic tones are never truly stable, but degrade toward the end of an utterance. This is especially noticeable in longer words, where the so-called "high" pitch tapers off toward the end. This tapering is especially exemplified by what is variously known as downstep or downdrift, where the "high" pitch of words becomes successively lower after each accented mora:[5][6]
Phrase | Phonemic accent pattern |
---|---|
海で泳ぎ (umi-de oyogi "swimming in the sea") | HꜜL-L L-HꜜL |
被ってみたら (kabutte mitara "try putting on the head") | L-HꜜL-L HꜜL-L |
In slow and deliberate enunciation (for example, with a pause between elements), the "high" tone of the second element in these phrases could still be sufficiently "high," but in natural, often pauseless, speech, it could become as low as the "low" tone of the first element, since there is an accented mora in that first element.
Tertiary pitch
[edit]Earlier phonologists made use of a three-tone system, with an additional "mid" tone (M).[6] For example, 端 (hashi "edge", heiban/unaccented) is considered to have a L-M pattern, while 橋 (hashi "bridge", odaka/final-accented) is to have a L-H pattern. This contrast is supported by phonetic analyses, which show that the contrast in frequency between the "low" and "high" tones in, for example, 花 (hana "flower", odaka/final-accented), is much starker than the contrast between the "low" and "mid" tones in 鼻 (hana "nose", heiban/unaccented).[1] Moreover, the "high" tone in final-accented words is phonetically higher than the "mid" tone in unaccented words. With respect to potential minimal pairs such as "edge" hashi vs "bridge" hashi and "nose" hana vs "flower" hana, the "mid" tone, in theory, should be considered phonemic, but it is now largely merged with the "high" tone[6] as phonologists claim there are no perceptible differences in pitch pattern between a final-accented word (odaka) without a following particle and an unaccented word (heiban):
Word | Old analysis[7] | New analysis[6] |
---|---|---|
端 (hashi "edge") | L-M | L-H |
橋 (hashi "bridge") | L-Hꜜ |
The "mid" tone also corresponds to what is now considered the "low" tone in initial-accented (atamadaka) and medial-accented (nakadaka) words:
Word | Old analysis[7] | New analysis[6] |
---|---|---|
火鉢 (hibachi) | HꜜM-M | HꜜL-L |
お玉 (otama "ball") | L-HꜜM | L-HꜜL |
Initial lowering
[edit]The tone of the first mora in non-initial-accented (non-atamadaka) words is often underspecified. Early versions of the NHK日本語発音アクセント新辞典 (NHK Nihongo Hatsuon Accent Jiten "NHK Pronouncing Accent Dictionary") always leave it unmarked. This is owing to how what is known as "initial lowering"[1][8] is not universally applied in natural speech, thus making the tone of the first mora indefinite and dependent on the nature of the second mora:[1]
- (1) If the second mora is a hatsuon or the lengthening half of a long vowel, the tone of the first mora is "high", and there is no initial lowering
- (2) If the second mora is a sokuon, the tone of the first mora is "low", and there is initial lowering, but the tone of the second mora is also "low"
- (3) If the second mora is any other type of mora, the tone of the first mora is "low", and there is initial lowering
In the (1) circumstances where initial lowering does not naturally happen in connected speech, it can still be artificially induced with the slow, deliberate enunciation of whatever word is of concern.[8]
The following are illustrative examples of the indefinite pitch of the first mora. For monomoraic non-initial-accented words, the second mora is whatever particle that follows it.
Word | Kana spelling | Phonemic transcription | Type of the second mora | (1) | (2) | (3) | Initial-accented |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
漫画 (manga) | まんが | /maNɡa/ | hatsuon | H-H-H | |||
交番 (kōban) | こうばん | /koRban/ | lengthening half of a long vowel | H-H-H-H | |||
フォークリフト (fōkurifuto "forklift") | フォークリフト | /ɸoRkuriɸuto/ | H-H-H-HꜜL-L | ||||
切腹 (seppuku) | せっぷく | /seQpuku/ | sokuon | L-L-H-H | |||
愛人 (aijin "lover") | あいじん | /aIzin/ | morphologically bound /i/ | L-H-H-H | |||
アメリカ (Amerika "America") | アメリカ | /amerika/ | free mora | L-H-H-H | |||
黄は (ki-wa "yellow") | きは | /kiwa/ | L-H | HꜜL | |||
気が (ke-ga "sign; indication") | けが | /kega/ | L-H | HꜜL |
Downstep
[edit]Many linguists[who?] analyse Japanese pitch accent somewhat differently. In their view, a word either has a downstep or does not. If it does, the pitch drops between the accented mora and the subsequent one; if it does not have a downstep, the pitch remains more or less constant throughout the length of the word: That is, the pitch is "flat" as Japanese speakers describe it. The initial rise in the pitch of the word, and the gradual rise and fall of pitch across a word, arise not from lexical accent, but rather from prosody, which is added to the word by its context: If the first word in a phrase does not have an accent on the first mora, then it starts with a low pitch, which then rises to high over subsequent morae. This phrasal prosody is applied to individual words only when they are spoken in isolation. Within a phrase, each downstep triggers another drop in pitch, and this accounts for a gradual drop in pitch throughout the phrase. This drop is called terracing. The next phrase thus starts off near the low end of the speaker's pitch range and needs to reset to high before the next downstep can occur.
Accent patterns
[edit]The following patterns are listed in the NHK日本語発音アクセント辞典.
Nouns derived from other parts of speech
[edit]Nouns derived from single verbs
[edit]The accent of nouns derived from verbs is generally based on the accent of the dictionary forms of those verbs. If the dictionary form is 平板, the derived noun is also 平板:
- うく(浮く) → うき(浮き)
- かす(貸す) → かし(貸し)
- あれる(荒れる) → あれ(荒れ)
- そめる(染める) → そめ(染め)
- おわる(終わる) → おわり(終わり)
- たたむ(畳む) → たたみ(畳み)
- きこえる(聞こえる) → きこえ(聞こえ)
- みとめる(認める) → みとめ(認め)
- たたかう(戦う) → たたかい(戦い)
- うごく(働く) → うごき(働き)
If the dictionary form is 起伏, the derived noun has 尾高 accent, though certain derived nouns may alternatively have different accent types:
- くꜜむ(組む) → くみꜜ(組み)
- ふꜜる(降る) → ふりꜜ(降り)
- おちꜜる(落ちる) → おちꜜ(落ち)
- はじꜜる(恥じる) → はじꜜ(恥じ)
- はなꜜす(話す) → はなしꜜ(話し)
- ひかꜜる(光る) → ひかりꜜ(光り)
- かꜜえる(帰る) → かえりꜜ(帰り)
- とꜜおる(通る) → とおりꜜ(通り)
- たすけꜜる(助ける) → たすけꜜ(助け)
- つとめꜜる(勤める) → つとめꜜ(勤め)
- あつまる(集まる) → あつまりꜜ or あつまꜜり(集まり)
- おどろく(驚く) → おどろきꜜ or おどろꜜき(驚き)
- ことわる(断る) → ことわりꜜ or ことわꜜり or ことわり(断り)
Nouns derived from compound verbs
[edit]Nouns derived from compound verbs tend to be 平板:
- にあꜜう(似合う) → にあい(似合い)
- しくꜜむ(仕組む) → しくみ(仕組み)
- いいあꜜう(言い合う) → いいあい(言い合い)
- うけとる or うけとꜜる(受け取る) → うけとり(受け取り)
- のりかえꜜる or のりかꜜえる(乗り換える) → のりかえ(乗り換え)
- ありあわせꜜる or ありあわせる(有り合わせる) → ありあわせ(有り合わせ)
- しのびなꜜく(忍び泣く) → しのびなき(忍び泣き)
- やけだされꜜる(焼け出される) → やけだされ(焼け出され)
- ゆずりわたꜜす(譲り渡す) → ゆずりわたし(譲り渡し)
-sa nouns derived from adjectives
[edit]-sa forms derived from 平板 dictionary forms of adjectives tend to also be 平板:
- あまい(甘い) → あまさ(甘さ)
- おもい(重い) → おもさ(重さ)
- かたい(堅い) → かたさ(堅さ)
- つめたい(冷たい) → つめたさ(冷たさ)
- せいかく(正確) → せいかくさ(正確さ)
For 起伏 dictionary forms with more than 2 morae, the accented location of the -sa forms is shifted back by 1 mora; OR, for non--shii dictionary forms with more than 3 morae, the accented location may, alternative, not be shifted:
- よꜜい(良い) → よꜜさ(良さ)
- こꜜい(濃い) → こꜜさ(濃さ)
- わかꜜい(若い) → わꜜかさ(若さ)
- たかꜜい(高い) → たꜜかさ(高さ)
- うれしꜜい(嬉しい) → うれꜜしさ(嬉しさ)
- あたらしꜜい(新しい) → あたらꜜしさ(新しさ)
- するどꜜい(鋭い) → するꜜどさ or するどꜜさ(鋭さ)
- ありがたꜜい(有り難い) → ありがꜜたさ or ありがたꜜさ(有り難さ)
For -na adjectives, their roots' last mora is accented:
- おꜜろか(愚か) → おろかꜜさ(愚かさ)
- げꜜんき(元気) → げんきꜜさ(元気さ)
-mi nouns derived from adjectives
[edit]-mi forms derived from 平板 dictionary forms of adjectives tend to also be 平板:
- あまい(甘い) → あまみ(甘み)
- おもい(重い) → おもみ(重み)
- あかるい(明るい) → あかるみ(明るみ)
- しんけん(真剣) → しんけんみ or しんけꜜんみ(真剣み)
For 起伏 dictionary forms, unlike -sa, -mi often results in 尾高 accent, although for derived nouns with 4 or more morae, other accent types may also be found:
- にがい(苦い) → にがみꜜ(苦み)
- しぶい(渋い) → しぶみꜜ(渋み)
- おもしろい(面白い) → おもしろみꜜ or おもしろꜜみ or おもしろみ(面白み)
- しんせつ(親切) → しんせつみꜜ or しんせつꜜみ or しんせつみ(親切み)
-ke/ge nouns
[edit]-ke/ge forms derived from 平板 dictionary forms of adjectives, nouns and verbs tend to also be 平板:
- ねむい(眠い) → ねむけ(眠気)
- あぶない(危ない) → あぶなげ or あぶなꜜげ(危な気)
- あぶら(油) → あぶらけ(油気)
- おとな(大人) → おとなげ(大人気)
For -ke/ge forms derived from 起伏 dictionary forms, the results are often 尾高, but if they contain more than 3 morae, they may be 中高 instead:
- さむꜜい(寒い) → さむけꜜ(寒気)
- はꜜく(吐く) → はきけꜜ(吐き気)
- くꜜう(食う) → くいけꜜ(食い気)
- くるしꜜい(苦しい) → くるしꜜげ(苦し気)
Nominal affixes
[edit]Certain highly productive affixes, often of Sino-Japanese origin, often result in compound nouns with predictable accent patterns.
Prefixes
[edit]Productive Sino-Japanese prefixes such as 以(い)、各(かく)、貴(き)、現(げん)、故(こ)、今(こん)、諸(しょ)、先(せん)、前(ぜん)、尊(そん)、当(とう)、同(どう)、某(ぼう)、本(ほん)、両(りょう) often result in 頭高 compounds: しょꜜけい(諸兄)、かꜜくじん(各人)、とꜜうしゃ(当社)、どꜜうこう(同校)、ぼꜜうじょ(某女)、ぼꜜうじつ(某日).
Short suffixes
[edit]For many native and Sino-Japanese suffixes, the accent falls on the last 自立拍 of the nouns before them. This means that if the last mora is a 特殊拍, the accent must shift backward until it reaches a 自立拍 (see #Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts above).
- 子(こ・ご) → ちのみꜜご(乳飲み子)
- 歌(うた) → たうえꜜうた(田植え歌)
- 川(かわ・がわ) → すみだꜜがわ(隅田川)
- 鮨(すし・ずし) → おおさかꜜずし(大阪鮨)
- 岳(たけ・だけ) → たにがわꜜだけ(谷川岳)
- 鶏(とり・どり) → おながꜜどり(尾長鶏)
- 豆(まめ) → うずらꜜまめ(鶉豆)
- 虫(むし) → てんとりꜜむし(点取り虫)
- 器(き) → しょうかꜜき(消火器)
- 区(く) → ちよだꜜく(千代田区)
- 市(し) → ちばꜜし(千葉市)
- 士(し) → べんごꜜし(弁護士)
- 社(しゃ) → ざっしꜜしゃ(雑誌社)
- 手(しゅ) → ないやꜜしゅ(内野手)
- 費(ひ) → としょꜜひ(図書費)
- 婦(ふ) → かんごꜜふ(看護婦)
- 部(ぶ) → けいりꜜぶ(経理部)
- 員(いん) → かいしゃꜜいん(会社員)
- 園(えん) → ようちꜜえん(幼稚園)
- 会(かい) → ししゃꜜかい(試写会)
- 学(がく) → しんりꜜがく(心理学)
- 館(かん) → えいがꜜかん(映画館)
- 局(きょく) → テレビꜜきょく(テレビ局)
- 郡(ぐん) → にしたまꜜぐん(西多摩郡)
- 県(けん) → かながわꜜけん(神奈川県)
- 式(しき) → にゅうがくꜜしき(入学式)
- 宗(しゅう) → じょうどꜜしゅう(浄土宗)
- 省(しょう) → もんぶꜜしょう(文部省)
- 城(じょう) → おおさかꜜじょう(大阪城)
- 門(もん) → さくらだꜜもん(桜田門)
- 料(りょう) → でんわꜜりょう(電話料)
- 力(りょく) → あんきꜜりょく(暗記力)
Some suffixes often result in 平板 compounds:
- 色(いろ) → さくらいろ(桜色)
- 型(かた・がた) → ひまんがた(肥満型)
- 髪(かみ・がみ) → にほんがみ(日本髪)
- 側(かわ・がわ) → ひだりがわ(左側)
- 際(きわ・ぎわ) → どひょうぎわ(土俵際)
- 組(くみ・ぐみ) → ごにんぐみ(五人組)
- 縞(しま・じま) → こうしじま(格子縞)
- 面(つら・づら) → しじゅうづら(四十面)
- 玉(たま・だま) → シャボンだま(シャボン玉)
- 寺(てら・でら) → きよみずでら(清水寺)
- 沼(ぬま) → いんばぬま(印旛沼)
- 村(むら) → しらかわむら(白川村)
- 山(やま) → あたごやま(愛宕山)
- 小屋(こや・ごや) → すみやきごや(炭焼き小屋)
- 科(か) → しょうにか(小児科)
- 家(か) → せいじか(政治家)
- 課(か) → じんじか(人事課)
- 画(が) → にほんが(日本画)
- 語(ご) → がいこくご(外国語)
- 座(ざ) → かぶきざ(歌舞伎座)
- 派(は) → いんしょうは(印象派)
- 鏡(きょう) → さんめんきょう(三面鏡)
- 教(きょう) → てんりきょう(天理教)
- 場(じょう) → しけんじょう(試験場)
- 性(せい) → ふりょうせい(不良性)
- 制(せい) → ぐんしゅせい(君主制)
- 製(せい) → にほんせい(日本製)
- 線(せん) → とうかいどうせん(東海道線)
- 隊(たい) → よびたい(予備隊)
- 中(ちゅう・じゅう) → ごぜんちゅう(午前中)
- 刀(とう) → にほんとう(日本刀)
- 党(とう) → しゃかいとう(社会党)
- 灯(とう) → アークとう(アーク灯)
- 堂(どう) → にがつどう(二月堂)
- 版(はん・ばん) → しゅくさつばん(縮刷版)
- 盤(ばん) → エルピーばん(LP盤)
- 表(ひょう) → じかんひょう(時間表)
- 病(びょう) → しんぞうびょう(心臓病)
- 米(まい) → インディカまい(インディカ米)
- 用(よう) → ふじんよう(婦人用)
- 流(りゅう) → にとうりゅう(二刀流)
Some suffixes belong to both the above groups:
- 顔(かお・がお) → うりざねがお or うりざねꜜがお(瓜実顔)
- 紙(かみ・がみ) → ちりめんがみ or ちりめんꜜがみ(縮緬紙)
- 口(くち・ぐち) → でいりぐち or でいりꜜぐち(出入り口)
- 風(かぜ) → みなみかぜ or みなみꜜかぜ(南風)
- 油(ゆ) → じゅんかつゆ or じゅんかつꜜゆ(潤滑油)
- 炎(えん) → じんぞうえん or じんぞꜜうえん(腎臓炎)
- 艦(かん) → じえいかん or じえꜜいかん(自衛艦)
- 計(けい) → せいうけい or せいうꜜけい(晴雨計)
- 罪(ざい) → しょうがいざい or しょうがꜜいざい(傷害罪)
- 船(せん) → きゅうすいせん or きゅうすꜜいせん(給水船)
- 戦(せん) → けっしょうせん or けっしょꜜうせん(決勝戦)
- 文(ぶん) → こうようぶん or こうよꜜうぶん(公用文)
- 法(ほう) → しゅっぱんほう or しゅっぱꜜんほう(出版法)
- 剤(ざい) → しょうかざい or しょうかꜜざい(消化剤)
- 店(てん) → きっさてん or きっさꜜてん(喫茶店)
- 人(にん) → かんごにん or かんごꜜにん(看護人)
For a few native suffixes, their first mora is often accented:
- 汗(あせ) → ひやあꜜせ(冷や汗)
- 雨(あめ) → やらずのあꜜめ(遣らずの雨)
- 傘(かさ・がさ) → あいあいがꜜさ(相合い傘)
- 空(そら・ぞら) → うわのそꜜら(上の空)
- 杖(つえ・づえ) → まつばづꜜえ(松葉杖)
- 船(ふね・ぶね) → わたしぶꜜね(渡し船)
- 窓(まど) → ガラスまꜜど(ガラス窓)
- 麦(むぎ) → はだかむꜜぎ(裸麦)
Long suffixes
[edit]For native suffixes derived from free words with more than 2 morae, or native and Sino-Japanese suffixes derived from free words with 2 morphemes (often spelt with 2 kanji), if the original free words are 平板, 尾高 or 頭高, the first mora of the derived suffixes is often accented:
- 蛙(かえる・がえる) → とのさまがꜜえる(殿様蛙)
- 薬(くすり・ぐすり) → こなぐꜜすり(粉薬)
- 車(くるま・ぐるま) → にぐꜜるま(荷車)
- 桜(さくら・ざくら) → やまざꜜくら(山桜)
- 印(しるし・じるし) → ほしじꜜるし(星印)
- 見舞い(みまい) → びょうきみꜜまい(病気見舞い)
- 会社(かいしゃ・がいしゃ) → かぶしきがꜜいしゃ(株式会社)
- 学校(がっこう) → こうとうがꜜっこう(高等学校)
- 銀行(ぎんこう) → にほんぎꜜんこう(日本銀行)
- 公園(こうえん) → こくりつこꜜうえん(国立公園)
- 時代(じだい) → とくがわじꜜだい(徳川時代)
- 放送(ほうそう) → きょういくほꜜうそう(教育放送)
- 頭(あたまꜜ) → いしあꜜたま(石頭)
- 表(おもてꜜ) → たたみおꜜもて(畳表)
- 敵(かたきꜜ・がたき) → ごがꜜたき(碁敵)
- 祭り(まつりꜜ) → むらまꜜつり(村祭り)
- 相手(あいてꜜ) → はなしあꜜいて(話し相手)
- 道具(どうぐꜜ) → はなよめどꜜうぐ(花嫁道具)
- 地獄(じごくꜜ) → しけんじꜜごく(試験地獄)
- 魂(たꜜましい・だましい) → やまとだꜜましい(大和魂)
- 蝙蝠(こꜜうもり) → いえこꜜうもり(家蝙蝠)
- 稲荷(いꜜなり) → とよかわいꜜなり(豊川稲荷)
- 菓子(かꜜし・がし) → なまがꜜし(生菓子)
- 大将(たꜜいしょう・だいしょう) → がきだꜜいしょう(餓鬼大将)
- 事業(じꜜぎょう) → しゃかいじꜜぎょう(社会事業)
- 主義(しゅꜜぎ) → みんしゅしゅꜜぎ(民主主義)
- 神社(じꜜんじゃ) → かすがじꜜんじゃ(春日神社)
- 料理(りょꜜうり) → せいようりょꜜうり(西洋料理)
For suffixes derived from free words with 中高 accent, the tendency is to only keep the original accent of those free words, though some shifting may occur if the resulting compounds are very long:
- 団扇(うちꜜわ) → ひだりうちꜜわ or ひだりうꜜちわ(左団扇)
- 月夜(つきꜜよ・づきよ) → ほしづきꜜよ or ほしづꜜきよ(星月夜)
- 物語(ものがꜜたり) → げんじものがꜜたり(源氏物語)
- 試験(しけꜜん) → にゅうしゃしけꜜん(入社試験)
- 委員会(いいꜜんかい) → きょういくいいꜜんかい(教育委員会)
Proper name suffixes
[edit]Some common proper name suffixes, such as 様(さま)、さん、ちゃん、殿(どの)、君(くん), do not affect the names they suffix:
- なかむら + さま → なかむらさま
- やまꜜした + さま → やまꜜしたさま
- かꜜとう + さま → かꜜとうさま
- なかむら + さん → なかむらさん
- やまꜜした + さん → やまꜜしたさん
- かꜜとう + さん → かꜜとうさん
- まさお + ちゃん → まさおちゃん
- かずꜜひこ + ちゃん → かずꜜひこちゃん
- はꜜなこ + ちゃん → はꜜなこちゃん
- なかむら + どの → なかむらどの
- まさお + どの → まさおどの
- やまꜜした + どの → やまꜜしたどの
- かずꜜひこ + どの → かずꜜひこどの
- かꜜとう + どの → かꜜとうどの
- はꜜなこ + どの → はꜜなこどの
- なかむら + くん → なかむらくん
- かずꜜひこ + くん → かずꜜひこくん
- かꜜとう + くん → かꜜとうくん
氏(し) places the accent on the last mora of originally 平板 names, but does not affect 起伏 names:
- なかむら + し → なかむらꜜし
- まさお + し → まさおꜜし
- やまꜜした + し → やまꜜしたし
- かꜜとう + し → かꜜとうし
Trailing particles and auxiliaries
[edit]The lexical accents of words as shown in dictionaries may be modified if there is a trailing particle or auxiliary.
Noun+particle
[edit]The particles are categorized in four groups based on how they modify the accent of the nouns the follow.
- Group A: か、が、さ、だけ、で、と、に、は、へ、も、や、よ、を、から、きり、しか、ほど、として: These do not modify the nouns' accent at all. しか in particular may make a 平板 noun's last mora accented.
- は + しか → はしか or はꜜしか
- さくら + しか → さくらしか or さくらꜜしか
- Group B: の (sometimes reduced to ん): This particle only deaccents nouns with 尾高 accent and do not affect other nouns.
- Group C: ね、かな (doubtful)、かね: This group only affects accentless nouns (平板).
- Group D: かい、かな (exclamatory)、こそ、さえ、しも、すら、だの、では、でも、とて、とも、など、なり、ねえ、のみ、まで、やら、ゆえ、より、かしら、くらい・ぐらい、だって、どころ、ばかり、なんか、なんて、よりか、よりも: This group also only affects 平板 nouns. When trailing a 起伏 noun, くらい・ぐらい and ばかり in particular may, alternatively, make the particle's first mora accented:
- おかꜜし + ぐらい → おかꜜしぐらい or おかしぐꜜらい
- おかꜜし + ばかり → おかꜜしばかり or おかしばꜜかり
- Group E: だけ: This particle either deaccents in and of itself, or behaves like Group A.
Notes are given where there's a change in accent.
Noun's accent Noun+particle's accent Group A
+が
+からGroup B
+のGroup C
+ね
+かなGroup D
+より
+かしらGroup E
+だけ平板 葉 は はが
はからはの はねꜜ
はかなꜜThe particle's last mora is accented. はよꜜり
はかꜜしらThe particle's first mora is accented. はだけ 桜 さくら さくらが
さくらからさくらの さくらねꜜ
さくらかなꜜさくらよꜜり
さくらかꜜしらさくらだけ 起伏 尾高 山 やまꜜ やまꜜが
やまꜜからやまの Deaccented. やまꜜね
やまꜜかなやまꜜより
やまꜜかしらやまだけ Deaccented. 妹 いもうとꜜ いもうとꜜが
いもうとꜜからいもうとの いもうとꜜね
いもうとꜜかないもうとꜜより
いもうとꜜかしらいもうとだけ 中高 お菓子 おかꜜし おかꜜしが
おかꜜしからおかꜜしの おかꜜしね
おかꜜしかなおかꜜしより
おかꜜしかしらおかしだけ 飲み物 のみꜜもの のみꜜものが
のみꜜものからのみꜜものの のみꜜものね
のみꜜものかなのみꜜものより
のみꜜものかしらのみものだけ 頭高 木 きꜜ きꜜが
きꜜからきꜜの きꜜね
きꜜかなきꜜより
きꜜかしらきだけ 緑 みꜜどり みꜜどりが
みꜜどりからみꜜどりの みꜜどりね
みꜜどりかなみꜜどりより
みꜜどりかしらみどりだけ
Noun ending in 特殊拍+の
[edit]The table above shows that the particle の does not affect certain 中高 nouns. However, if a 中高 noun ends in either a special mora (特殊拍, see #Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts above), の deaccents it just like it does an 尾高 noun.
- にほꜜん + の → にほんの(日本の)
- にっぽꜜん + の → にっぽんの(日本の)
- ちょうせꜜん + の → ちょうせんの(朝鮮の)
- きのꜜう + の → きのうの(昨日の)
- りゅうきゅꜜう + の → りゅうきゅうの(琉球の)
Nominal 尾高 exception+の
[edit]Certain 尾高 words, including ancient place names, are not deaccented by の.
- つぎꜜ + の + ひと → つぎꜜのひと(次の人)
- よそꜜ + の + くに → よそꜜのくに(余所の国)
- とさꜜ + の + くに → とさꜜのくに(土佐の国)
- みのꜜ + の + くに → みのꜜのくに(美濃の国)
- みかわꜜ + の + くに → みかわꜜのくに(三河の国)
- さがみꜜ + の + くに → さがみꜜのくに(相模の国)
Noun with devoiced accentless mora followed by accented mora+の
[edit]If the accented mora of a 尾高 noun, or a noun ending in a special mora (特殊拍) as mentioned above, is preceded by a devoiced mora (voiceless consonant + i or u + voiceless consonant), and that noun may not be deaccented by の.
- ききꜜ + の + とき → ききꜜのとき(危機の時)
- ひしょꜜ + の + ひと → ひしょꜜのひと(秘書の人)
- ふきꜜ + の + きゃく → ふきꜜのきゃく(不帰の客)
- しきꜜん + の + ふそく → しきꜜんのふそく(資金の不足)
- ふきꜜん + の + ひと → ふきꜜんのひと(付近の人)
- きかꜜい + の + はなし → きかꜜいのはなし(機械の話)
- ちちꜜ + の + きゃく → ちちのきゃく or ちちꜜのきゃく(父の客)
- きしゃꜜ + の + なか → きしゃのなꜜか or きしゃꜜのなか(汽車の中)
Noun+auxiliary
[edit]Auxiliaries can be categorized into four groups:
- Group a: だ: This auxiliary inherits the accent of the nouns.
- Group b: です、みたい: This group only affects the accent of accentless nouns (平板).
- A phrase with a 起伏 noun followed by みたい in particular may alternatively have two accent nuclei:
- はꜜる + みたい → はꜜるみたい or はꜜる みꜜたい(春みたい)
- みずうꜜみ + みたい → みずうꜜみみたい or みずうꜜみ みꜜたい(湖みたい)
- A phrase with a 起伏 noun followed by みたい in particular may alternatively have two accent nuclei:
- Group c: だろう、でしょう、らしい: This group also only affects the accent of accentless nouns.
- Group d: らしい: This auxiliary may affect all nouns, or only accentless nouns (Group c).
Notes are given where there's a change in accent.
Noun's accent Noun+auxiliary's accent Group a
+だGroup b
+ですGroup c
+だろうGroup d
+らしい平板 葉 は はだ はでꜜす The auxiliary's penultimate mora is accented. はだろꜜう The auxiliary's penultimate mora is accented. はらしꜜい The auxiliary's penultimate mora is accented. 桜 さくら さくらだ さくらでꜜす さくらだろꜜう さくららしꜜい 起伏 尾高 山 やまꜜ やまꜜだ やまꜜです やまꜜだろう やまらしꜜい 妹 いもうとꜜ いもうとꜜだ いもうとꜜです いもうとꜜだろう いもうとらしꜜい 中高 お菓子 おかꜜし おかꜜしだ おかꜜしです おかꜜしだろう おかしらしꜜい 飲み物 のみꜜもの のみꜜものだ のみꜜものです のみꜜものだろう のみものらしꜜい 頭高 木 きꜜ きꜜだ きꜜです きꜜだろう きらしꜜい 緑 みꜜどり みꜜどりだ みꜜどりです みꜜどりだろう みどりらしꜜい
Attributive phrase+noun+particle/auxiliary
[edit]When certain accentless nouns (平板), such as 日(ひ), 上(うえ), 下(した), 家(うち), 人(ひと), 所(ところ), etc. are attributively modified by another accentless or 尾高 word and simultaneously followed by a particle or an auxiliary, the accent of the entire phrase may fall on the last mora of such nouns. Some examples include:
- こんな + ひ + に → こんなひꜜに(こんな日に)
- あくる + ひ + は → あくるひꜜは(あくる日は)
- あくる + ひ + だ → あくるひꜜだ(あくる日だ)
- やま + の + うえ + に → やまのうえꜜに(山の上に)
- やま + の + うえ + です → やまのうえꜜです(山の上です)
- やなぎ + の + した + に → やなぎのしたꜜに(柳の下に)
- となり + の + うち + から → となりのうちꜜから(隣の家から)
- となり + の + うち + だ → となりのうちꜜだ(隣の家だ)
- おとこꜜ + の + ひと + が → おとこのひとꜜが(男の人が)
- おとこꜜ + の + ひと + です → おとこのひとꜜです(男の人です)
- おなじ + ところ + へ → おなじところꜜへ(同じ所へ)
Adverbial+particle/auxiliary
[edit]When an accentless adverbial (平板) is followed by a particle or an auxiliary, the accent falls on the last mora of that adverbial (even if that adverbial already contains a particle to begin with).
- これから + は → これからꜜは
- これから + だ → これからꜜだ
- あれだけ + は → あれだけꜜは
- これきり + に → これきりꜜに
- これきり + です → これきりꜜです
- きっと + か → きっとꜜか
- きっと + だ → きっとꜜだ
- まったく + です → まったくꜜです
Verbal 連用形+particle
[edit]Four groups of particles that can follow the 連用形 of verbs:
- Group F: て・で
- Group G: さえ、たり・だり、つつ、ては・では、ても・でも、てよ・でよ
- Group H: は、さえ、つつ、に
- Group I: ながら
Notes are given where there's a change in accent.
Dictionary form's accent 連用形+particle's accent Group F
+てGroup G
+たりGroup H
+はGroup I
+ながら平板 Monograde 居る いる いて いたꜜり The particle's first mora is accented. いꜜは The 連用形's last mora is accented. いながら 腫れる はれる はれて はれたꜜり はれꜜは はれながら 比べる くらべる くらべて くらべたꜜり くらべꜜは くらべながら -suru 感ずる かんずる かんじて かんじたꜜり かんじꜜは かんじながら Pentagrade 鳴る なる なって なったꜜり なりꜜは なりながら 洗う あらう あらって あらったꜜり あらいꜜは あらいながら 行う おこなう おこなって おこなったꜜり おこなりꜜは おこなりながら 起伏 Monograde 射る いꜜる いꜜて いꜜたり いꜜは いなꜜがら The particle's first mora is accented. 晴れる はれꜜる はꜜれて If the root contains more than 1 mora, the accented location is shifted back until it reaches a 自立拍. はꜜれたり If the root contains more than 1 mora, the accented location is shifted back until it reaches a 自立拍. はꜜれは If the root contains more than 1 mora, the accented location is shifted back until it reaches a 自立拍. はれなꜜがら 調べる しらべꜜる しらꜜべて しらꜜべたり しらꜜべは しらべなꜜがら -suru 信ずる しんずꜜる しꜜんじて しꜜんじたり しꜜんじは しんじなꜜがら Pentagrade 成る なꜜる なꜜって なꜜったり なꜜりは なりなꜜがら 帰る かꜜえる かꜜえって かꜜえったり かꜜえりは かえりなꜜがら 習う ならꜜう ならꜜって ならꜜったり ならꜜりは ならりなꜜがら 手伝う てつだꜜう てつだꜜって てつだꜜったり てつだꜜいは てつだいなꜜがら
Verbal dictionary form+particle
[edit]Five groups of particles that can follow the dictionary forms of verbs:
- Group J: が (case)、と、な (exclamatory)、に、は、も、よ、を、きり、しか、だけ、ほど、ものの
- Group K: ぜ、ぞ、ね
- Group L: さえ、すら、とか、とて、とも、なあ、ねえ、のみ、まで、ゆえ、より、かな (exclamatory)、くらい・ぐらい、どころ、ばかり、よりか、よりも. くらい・ぐらい and ばかり behave similarly to when they follow nouns.
- Group M: か、が (case, conjunctive)、さ、し、ぜ、ぞ、と (quoting, listing)、な (negative command)、に、の、は、も、や、を、かい、かな (doubtful)、かね、から、しか、すら、だの、とか、とて、とも、など、なり、ので・んで、のに、やら、より、わよ、かしら、けれど、なんて、よりか、よりも、けれども
- Group N: だけ. Also behaves like Group J.
Notes are given where there's a change in accent.
Dictionary form's accent Dictionary form+particle's accent Group J
+と
+ほどGroup K
+ねGroup L
+までGroup M
+か
+かしらGroup N
+だけ平板 Monograde 居る いる いると
いるほどいるねꜜ The particle's last mora is accented いるまꜜで The particle's first mora is accented いるꜜか
いるꜜかしらThe dictionary form's last mora is accented いるだけ 腫れる はれる はれると
はれるほどはれるねꜜ はれるまꜜで はれるꜜか
はれるꜜかしらはれるだけ 比べる くらべる くらべると
くらべるほどくらべるねꜜ くらべるまꜜで くらべるꜜか
くらべるꜜかしらくらべるだけ -suru 感ずる かんずる かんずると
かんずるほどかんずるねꜜ かんずるまꜜで かんずるꜜか
かんずるꜜかしらかんずるだけ Pentagrade 鳴る なる なると
なるほどなるねꜜ なるまꜜで なるꜜか
なるꜜかしらなるだけ 洗う あらう あらうと
あらうほどあらうねꜜ あらうまꜜで あらうꜜか
あらうꜜかしらあらうだけ 行う おこなう おこなうと
おこなうほどおこなうねꜜ おこなうまꜜで おこなうꜜか
おこなうꜜかしらおこなうだけ 起伏 Monograde 射る いꜜる いꜜると
いꜜるほどいꜜるね いꜜるまで いꜜるか
いꜜるかしらいるだけ Deaccented. 晴れる はれꜜる はれꜜると
はれꜜるほどはれꜜるね はれꜜるまで はれꜜるか
はれꜜるかしらはれるだけ 調べる しらべꜜる しらべꜜると
しらべꜜるほどしらべꜜるね しらべꜜるまで しらべꜜるか
しらべꜜるかしらしらべるだけ -suru 信ずる しんずꜜる しんずꜜると
しんずꜜるほどしんずꜜるね しんずꜜるまで しんずꜜるか
しんずꜜるかしらしんずるだけ Pentagrade 成る なꜜる なꜜると
なꜜるほどなꜜるね なꜜるまで なꜜるか
なꜜるかしらなるだけ 帰る かꜜえる かꜜえると
かꜜえるほどかꜜえるね かꜜえるまで かꜜえるか
かꜜえるかしらかえるだけ 習う ならꜜう ならꜜうと
ならꜜうほどならꜜうね ならꜜうまで ならꜜうか
ならꜜうかしらならうだけ 手伝う てつだꜜう てつだꜜうと
てつだꜜうほどてつだꜜうね てつだꜜうまで てつだꜜうか
てつだꜜうかしらてつだうだけ
Verbal 仮定形+particle
[edit]Group O consists of ど、ば、ども. When these particles follow the 仮定形 of a 平板 verb, the last mora of such form is accented:
- いれꜜば(居れば)
- くらべれꜜば(比べれば)
- かんずれꜜば(感ずれば)
- なれꜜば(鳴れば)
- おこなえꜜば(行えば)
For 起伏 verbs, no accent shift occurs:
- いꜜれば(射れば)
- しらべꜜれば(調べれば)
- しんずꜜれば(信ずれば)
- なꜜれば(成れば)
- かꜜえれば(帰れば)
- ならꜜえば(習えば)
- てつだꜜえば(手伝えば)
Verbal 命令形+particle
[edit]For the spoken 命令形 of verbs with 平板 accent, the last mora is accented:
- いろꜜ(居ろ)
- くらべろꜜ(比べろ)
- かんじろꜜ(感じろ)
- なれꜜ(鳴れ)
- おこなえꜜ(行え)
For the written 命令形 of monograde verbs with 平板 accent, whose root contains only 1 mora, the last mora is also accented:
- いよꜜ(居よ)
For the written 命令形 of monograde and -suru verbs with 平板 accent, whose root contains more than 1 mora, the penultimate mora is accented:
- くらべꜜよ(比べよ)
- かんぜꜜよ(感ぜよ)
For spoken and written 命令形 of verbs with 起伏 accent, the location of the accented mora is the same as that in the dictionary forms:
- いꜜろ(射ろ)
- いꜜよ(射よ)
- しらべꜜろ(調べろ)
- しらべꜜよ(調べよ)
- しんじꜜろ(信じろ)
- しんぜꜜよ(信ぜよ)
- なꜜれ(成れ)
- かꜜえれ(帰れ)
- ならꜜえ(習え)
- てつだꜜえ(手伝え)
For the written 命令形 of monograde and -suru verbs with 起伏 accent, whose root contains more than 1 mora, the location of the accented mora could, alternatively, be shifted back by up to 2 morae, until it reaches an independent mora (自立拍, see #Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts above):
- しらべꜜよ → しらꜜべよ(調べよ)
- しんぜꜜよ → *しんꜜぜよ → しꜜんぜよ(信ぜよ)
Group P consists of と、や、よ. These particles do not alter the accent of the 命令形:
- いろꜜ + よ → いろꜜよ(居ろよ)
- くらべろꜜ + よ → くらべろꜜよ(比べろよ)
- かんじろꜜ + よ → かんじろꜜよ(感じろよ)
- なれꜜ + よ → なれꜜよ(鳴れよ)
- おこなえꜜ + よ → おこなえꜜよ(行えよ)
- いꜜろ + よ → いꜜろよ(射ろよ)
- しらべꜜろ + よ → しらべꜜろよ(調べろよ)
- しんじꜜろ + よ → しんじꜜろよ(信じろよ)
- なꜜれ + よ → なꜜれよ(成れよ)
- かꜜえれ + よ → かꜜえれよ(帰れよ)
- ならꜜえ + よ → ならꜜえよ(習えよ)
- てつだꜜえ + よ → てつだꜜえよ(手伝えよ)
Verbal dictionary form+auxiliary
[edit]Three groups of auxiliaries that can trail dictionary forms of verbs:
- Group e: そうだ、ようだ、みたい. This group may, alternatively, interact differently with 起伏 verbs, resulting in two accent nuclei:
- くꜜる + ようだ → くꜜるようだ or くꜜる よꜜうだ(来るようだ)
- ならꜜう + そうだ → ならꜜうそうだ or ならꜜう そꜜうだ(習うそうだ)
- かꜜえる + みたい → かꜜえるみたい or かꜜえる みꜜたい(帰るみたい)
- Group f: だろう、でしょう、らしい. When interacting with 起伏 verbs, the penultimate mora of the auxiliary may, alternatively, be accented:
- くるらしꜜい(来るらしい)
- かえるらしꜜい(帰るらしい)
- Group g: まい
Notes are given where there's a change in accent.
Dictionary form's accent Dictionary form+auxiliary's accent Group e
+ようだGroup f
+だろうGroup g
+まい平板 Monograde 居る いる いるよꜜうだ The auxiliary's first mora is accented. いるだろꜜう The auxiliary's penultimate mora is accented. いるまꜜい The auxiliary's first mora is accented. 腫れる はれる はれるよꜜうだ はれるだろꜜう はれるまꜜい 比べる くらべる くらべるよꜜうだ くらべるだろꜜう くらべるまꜜい -suru 感ずる かんずる かんずるよꜜうだ かんずるだろꜜう かんずるまꜜい Pentagrade 鳴る なる なるよꜜうだ なるだろꜜう なるまꜜい 洗う あらう あらうよꜜうだ あらうだろꜜう あらうまꜜい 行う おこなう おこなうよꜜうだ おこなうだろꜜう おこなうまꜜい 起伏 Monograde 射る いꜜる いꜜるようだ いꜜるだろう いるまꜜい 晴れる はれꜜる はれꜜるようだ はれꜜるだろう はれるまꜜい 調べる しらべꜜる しらべꜜるようだ しらべꜜるだろう しらべるまꜜい -suru 信ずる しんずꜜる しんずꜜるようだ しんずꜜるだろう しんずるまꜜい Pentagrade 成る なꜜる なꜜるようだ なꜜるだろう なるまꜜい 帰る かꜜえる かꜜえるようだ かꜜえるだろう かえるまꜜい 習う ならꜜう ならꜜうようだ ならꜜうだろう ならうまꜜい 手伝う てつだꜜう てつだꜜうようだ てつだꜜうだろう てつだうまꜜい
Verbal 未然形+auxiliary
[edit]Three groups of auxiliaries that can trail 未然形 of verbs:
- Group h: せる・させる、れる・られる
- Group i: ない
- Group j: う・よう、まい
Notes are given where there's a change in accent.
Dictionary form's accent 未然形+auxiliary's accent Group h
+せる・させるGroup i
+ないGroup j
+う・よう平板 Monograde 居る いる いさせる いない いよꜜう The auxiliary's first mora is accented. 腫れる はれる はれさせる はれない はれよꜜう 比べる くらべる くらべさせる くらべない くらべよꜜう -suru 感ずる かんずる かんじさせる かんじない かんじよꜜう Pentagrade 鳴る なる ならせる ならない なろꜜう The 未然形's last mora is accented. 洗う あらう あらわせる あらわない あらおꜜう 行う おこなう おこなわせる おこなわない おこなおꜜう 起伏 Monograde 射る いꜜる いさせꜜる The auxiliary's penultimate mora is accented. いꜜない The 未然形's last mora is accented. いよꜜう The auxiliary's first mora is accented. 晴れる はれꜜる はれさせꜜる はれꜜない はれよꜜう 調べる しらべꜜる しらべさせꜜる しらべꜜない しらべよꜜう -suru 信ずる しんずꜜる しんじさせꜜる しんじꜜない しんじよꜜう Pentagrade 成る なꜜる ならせꜜる ならꜜない なろꜜう The 未然形's last mora is accented. 帰る かꜜえる かえらせꜜる かえらꜜない かえろꜜう 習う ならꜜう ならわせꜜる ならわꜜない ならおꜜう 手伝う てつだꜜう てつだわせꜜる てつだわꜜない てつだおꜜう
Verbal 連用形+auxiliary
[edit]Three groups of auxiliaries that can trail 連用形 of verbs:
- Group k: た・だ
- Group l: たい、そうだ
- Group m: ます
Notes are given where there's a change in accent.
Dictionary form's accent 連用形+auxiliary's accent Group k
+た・だGroup l
+たいGroup m
+ます平板 Monograde 居る いる いた いたい いまꜜす The auxiliary's first mora is accented. 腫れる はれる はれた はれたい はれまꜜす 比べる くらべる くらべた くらべたい くらべまꜜす -suru 感ずる かんずる かんじた かんじたい かんじまꜜす Pentagrade 鳴る なる なった なりたい なりまꜜす 洗う あらう あらった あらいたい あらいまꜜす 行う おこなう おこなった おこないたい おこないまꜜす 起伏 Monograde 射る いꜜる いꜜた いたꜜい The auxiliary's first mora is accented. いまꜜす 晴れる はれꜜる はꜜれた If the root contains more than 1 mora, the accented location is shifted back until it reaches a 自立拍. はれたꜜい はれまꜜす 調べる しらべꜜる しらꜜべた しらべたꜜい しらべまꜜす -suru 信ずる しんずꜜる しꜜんじた しんじたꜜい しんじまꜜす Pentagrade 成る なꜜる なꜜった なりたꜜい なりまꜜす 帰る かꜜえる かꜜえった かえりたꜜい かえりまꜜす 習う ならꜜう ならꜜった ならいたꜜい ならいまꜜす 手伝う てつだꜜう てつだꜜった てつだいたꜜい てつだいまꜜす
Adjectival dictionary form+particle
[edit]Five groups of particles that can trail dictionary forms of adjectives:
- Group Q: と、な (exclamatory)、よ (proclamatory)、だけ、ほど、ものの
- Group R: ぜ、ぞ、ね
- Group S: ごと、さえ、とか、とて、とも、なあ、ねえ、のみ、まで、ゆえ、より、かな (exclamatory)、くらい・ぐらい、どころ、ばかり、よりか、よりも. When trailing a 起伏 noun, くらい・ぐらい, どころ and ばかり in particular may, alternatively, make the particle's first mora accented:
- みじかꜜい + くらい → みじかꜜいくらい or みじかいくꜜらい(短いくらい)
- うれしꜜい + どころ + の → うれしꜜいどころの or うれしいどꜜころの(嬉しいどころの)
- たかꜜい + ばかり + で → たかꜜいばかりで or たかいばꜜかりで(高いばかりで)
- Group T: か、が、さ、し、ぜ、ぞ、の、は、も、や、を、かい、かな (doubtful)、かね、から、だ、とか、とて、とも、など、なり、ので・んで、のに、やら、より、わよ、かしら、けれど、なんて、よりか、よりも、けれども
- Group U: だけ. Alternatively, behaves like Group Q.
Notes are given where there's a change in accent.
Dictionary form's accent Dictionary form+particle's accent Group Q
+と
+ほどGroup R
+ねGroup S
+のみGroup T
+か
+かしらGroup U
+だけ平板 厚い あつい あついと
あついほどあついねꜜ The particle's last mora is accented. あついのꜜみ The particle's first mora is accented. あつꜜいか
あつꜜいかしらThe dictionary form's penultimate mora is accented. あついだけ 冷たい つめたい つめたいと
つめたいほどつめたいねꜜ つめたいのꜜみ つめたꜜいか
つめたꜜいかしらつめたいだけ 優しい やさしい やさしいと
やさしいほどやさしいねꜜ やさしいのꜜみ やさしꜜいか
やさしꜜいかしらやさしいだけ 起伏 無い なꜜい なꜜいと
なꜜいほどなꜜいね なꜜいのみ なꜜいか
なꜜいかしらないだけ Deaccented. 熱い あつꜜい あつꜜいと
あつꜜいほどあつꜜいね あつꜜいのみ あつꜜいか
あつꜜいかしらあついだけ 短い みじかꜜい みじかꜜいと
みじかꜜいほどみじかꜜいね みじかꜜいのみ みじかꜜいか
みじかꜜいかしらみじかいだけ 嬉しい うれしꜜい うれしꜜいと
うれしꜜいほどうれしꜜいね うれしꜜいのみ うれしꜜいか
うれしꜜいかしらうれしいだけ
Adjectival 連用形+particle
[edit]The -ku 連用形 of 平板 adjectives are also 平板:
- あつい → あつく(厚く)
- つめたい → つめたく(冷たく)
- やさしい → やさしく(優しく)
The accented location of the -ku 連用形 of 起伏 adjectives are either the same as that of dictionary forms; OR, if the -ku form contains more than 3 morae, shifted one mora backward:
- なꜜい → なꜜく(無く)
- あつꜜい → あつꜜく(熱く)
- みじかꜜい → みじかꜜく or みじꜜかく(短く)
- うれしꜜい → うれしꜜく or うれꜜしく(嬉しく)
Group V consists of the following particles: て、は、も、ても. When a 平板 -ku form combines with a Group-V particle, either the -ku form's penultimate mora is accented; OR, the -shiku form's antepenultimate mora is accented:
- あつい → あつく + て → あつꜜくて(厚くて)
- つめたい → つめたく + て → つめたꜜくて(冷たくて)
- やさしい → やさしく + て → やさしꜜくて or やさꜜしくて(優しくて)
With は in particular, the 平板 -ku form's last mora may, alternatively, accented:
- あつい → あつく + は → あつꜜくは or あつくꜜは(厚くは)
- あかるい → あかるく + は → あかるꜜくは or あかるくꜜは(明るくは)
Group V does not affect the accented location of 起伏 -ku forms:
- なꜜい → なꜜく + て → なꜜくて(無くて)
- あつꜜい → あつꜜく + て → あつꜜくて(熱くて)
- みじかꜜい → みじかꜜく + て → みじかꜜくて(短くて)
- みじかꜜい → みじꜜかく + て → みじꜜかくて(短くて)
- うれしꜜい → うれしꜜく + て → うれしꜜくて(嬉しくて)
- うれしꜜい → うれꜜしく + て → うれꜜしくて(嬉しくて)
Adjectival 仮定形+particle
[edit]Group W consists of the following particles: ば、ど、ども.
For 平板 -i dictionary forms, the -kere forms' antepenultimate mora is accented:
- あつい → あつꜜければ (antepenultimate)(厚ければ)
- つめたい → つめたꜜければ (antepenultimate)(冷たければ)
However, for 平板 -shii dictionary forms, the -shikere forms' preantepenultimate mora is accented:
- やさしい → やさꜜしければ (preantepenultimate)(優しければ)
For 起伏 -i and -shii dictionary forms, the preantepenultimate mora of -kere and -shikere forms with more than 3 morae is accented; OR if the -kere, not -shikere, forms contain more than 4 morae, the antepenultimate is alternatively accented:
- なꜜい → なꜜければ (antepenultimate)(無ければ)
- あつꜜい → あꜜつければ (preantepenultimate)(熱ければ)
- うれしꜜい → うれꜜしければ (preantepenultimate)(嬉しければ)
- みじかꜜい → みじꜜかければ (preantepenultimate) or みじかꜜければ (antepenultimate)(短ければ)
Adjectival dictionary form+auxiliary
[edit]Four groups of auxiliaries that can trail dictionary forms of adjectives:
- Group n: そうだ、ようだ、みたい. These can alternatively result in two accent nuclei when combining with 起伏 adjectives:
- たかꜜい + そうだ → たかꜜいそうだ or たかꜜい そꜜうだ(高いそうだ)
- たかꜜい + ようだ → たかꜜいようだ or たかꜜい よꜜうだ(高いようだ)
- みじかꜜい + みたい → みじかꜜいみたい or みじかꜜい みꜜたい(短いみたい)
- Group o: だろう、でしょう、らしい
- Group p: です
- Group q: らしい. Alternatively, behaves like Group o.
Notes are given where there's a change in accent.
Dictionary form's accent Dictionary form+auxiliary's accent Group n
+ようだGroup o
+だろうGroup p
+ですGroup q
+らしい平板 厚い あつい あついよꜜうだ The auxiliary's first mora is accented. あついだろꜜう The auxiliary's penultimate mora is accented. あつꜜいです The dictionary form's penultimate mora is accented. あついらしꜜい The auxiliary's penultimate mora is accented. 冷たい つめたい つめたいよꜜうだ つめたいだろꜜう つめたꜜいです つめたいらしꜜい 優しい やさしい やさしいよꜜうだ やさしいだろꜜう やさしꜜいです やさしいらしꜜい 起伏 無い なꜜい なꜜいようだ なꜜいだろう なꜜいです ないらしꜜい 熱い あつꜜい あつꜜいようだ あつꜜいだろう あつꜜいです あついらしꜜい 短い みじかꜜい みじかꜜいようだ みじかꜜいだろう みじかꜜいです みじかいらしꜜい 嬉しい うれしꜜい うれしꜜいようだ うれしꜜいだろう うれしꜜいです うれしいらしꜜい
Adjectival 未然形+auxiliary
[edit]The only member of Group r is う, and it uniquely combines with the -karo forms of adjectives. The mora ro in -karo is accented:
- なかろꜜう(無かろう)
- あつかろꜜう(厚かろう、熱かろう)
- つめたろꜜう(冷たかろう)
- みじかかろꜜう(短かろう)
- やさしかろꜜう(優しかろう)
- うれしかろꜜう(嬉しかろう)
Particle/auxiliary+particle
[edit]When a particle or auxiliary follows a phrase that ends in another particle, if that phrase has 平板 accent, its last mora is accented:
- みず + で → みずで + は → みずでꜜは(水では)
- やって + さえ → やってꜜさえ(遣ってさえ)
- みず + で → みずで + です → みずでꜜです(水でです)
- なく + と → なくと + だ → なくとꜜだ(泣くとだ)
Certain particles such as と、きり、しか、だけ may, alternatively, not alter the 平板 phrase:
- みず + で → みずで + だけ → みずでꜜだけ or みずでだけ(水でだけ)
- やって + だけ → やってꜜだけ or やってだけ(遣ってだけ)
Otherwise, if that phrase has 頭高 or 中高 accent, its accent is not altered:
- やまꜜ + に → やまꜜに + は → やまꜜには(山には)
- ならꜜって + さえ → ならꜜってさえ(習ってさえ)
- はꜜる + で → はꜜるで + は → はꜜるでは(春では)
- たꜜべて + さえ → たꜜべてさえ(食べてさえ)
- おとこꜜ + に → おとこꜜに + です → おとこꜜにです(男にです)
- たべꜜる + と → たべꜜると + です → たべꜜるとです(食べるとです)
- はꜜる + に → はꜜるに + です → はꜜるにです(春にです)
- よꜜむ + と → よꜜむと + です → よꜜむとです(読むとです)
Numerals
[edit]The following table lists some compounds of numerals and their accent.
×1 ×10 ×100 ×1,000 ×10,000 ×100,000 ×1,000,000 ×10,000,000 ×100,000,000 ×1,000,000,000 1 いちꜜ じゅꜜう ひゃくꜜ せꜜん いちまꜜん じゅうまꜜん ひゃくまꜜん いっせんまꜜん いちꜜおく じゅꜜうおく 2 にꜜ にꜜじゅう にひゃくꜜ にせꜜん にまꜜん にꜜじゅうまん にじゅうまꜜん にじゅꜜうまん にひゃくまꜜん にせんまꜜん にꜜおく 3 さん さꜜんじゅう さꜜんびゃく さんぜꜜん さんまꜜん さꜜんじゅうまん さんじゅうまꜜん さんじゅꜜうまん さꜜんびゃくまん さんびゃくまꜜん さんぜんまꜜん さꜜんおく 4 よꜜん よꜜんじゅう よꜜんひゃく よんせꜜん よんまꜜん よꜜんじゅうまん よんじゅうまꜜん よんじゅꜜうまん よꜜんひゃくまん よんひゃくまꜜん よんせんまꜜん よꜜんおく しꜜ しじゅꜜう しひゃくꜜ 5 ごꜜ ごじゅꜜう ごひゃくꜜ ごせꜜん ごまꜜん ごじゅうまꜜん ごじゅꜜうまん ごひゃくまꜜん ごせんまꜜん ごꜜおく 6 ろくꜜ ろくじゅꜜう ろっぴゃくꜜ ろくせꜜん ろくまꜜん ろくじゅうまꜜん ろくじゅꜜうまん ろっぴゃくまꜜん ろくせんまꜜん ろくꜜおく 7 なꜜな ななꜜじゅう ななꜜひゃく ななせꜜん ななまꜜん ななじゅうまꜜん ななじゅꜜうまん ななひゃくまꜜん ななせんまꜜん ななꜜおく しちꜜ しちじゅꜜう しちひゃくꜜ しちせꜜん しちまꜜん しちじゅうまꜜん しちじゅꜜうまん しちひゃくまꜜん しちせんまꜜん しちꜜおく 8 はちꜜ はちじゅꜜう はっぴゃくꜜ はっせꜜん はちまꜜん はちじゅうまꜜん はちじゅꜜうまん はっぴゃくまꜜん はっせんまꜜん はちꜜおく 9 きゅꜜう きゅꜜうじゅう きゅꜜうひゃく きゅうせꜜん きゅうまꜜん きゅꜜうじゅうまん きゅうじゅうまꜜん きゅうじゅꜜうまん きゅꜜうひゃくまん きゅうひゃくまꜜん きゅうせんまꜜん きゅꜜうおく くꜜ くじゅꜜう くまꜜん
A few patterns can be spotted:
- For numerals from 1-9 (いち~きゅう・く), if the last mora is a 自立拍, the accent is 尾高, except なꜜな which is 頭高; if the last mora is a 特殊拍, the accent is 頭高, except さん which is 平板.
- For compounds from 10-90(じゅう~きゅうじゅう・くじゅう), じゅ is accented, except in にꜜじゅう、さꜜんじゅう、よꜜんじゅう、ななꜜじゅう、きゅꜜうじゅう.
- For compounds from 100-900 (ひゃく~きゅうひゃく), the accent is 尾高, except in さꜜんびゃく、よꜜんひゃく、ななꜜひゃく、きゅꜜうひゃく.
- For compounds from 1,000-100,000 (せん~じゅうまん), the accented morae are せ・ぜ and ま.
- For compounds from 200,000-900,000 (にじゅうまん~きゅうじゅうまん), either じゅ or ま can be accented. Alternative exceptions include にꜜじゅうまん、さꜜんじゅうまん、よꜜんじゅうまん、きゅꜜうじゅうまん.
- For compounds from 1,000,000-90,000,000 (ひゃくまん~きゅうせんまん), the accented mora is ま. Alternative exceptions include さꜜんびゃくまん、よꜜんひゃくまん、きゅꜜうひゃくまん.
- For compounds from 100,000,000-1,000,000,000 (いちおく~じゅうおく), the accent is tentatively placed on the last mora of the first numeral, and if that mora is a 特殊拍, the accent is shifted backward.
Compounds from 11-19:
- じゅꜜう + いちꜜ → じゅういちꜜ
- じゅꜜう + にꜜ → じゅうにꜜ
- じゅꜜう + よꜜん → じゅうよꜜん
- じゅꜜう + しꜜ → じゅうしꜜ
- じゅꜜう + ろくꜜ → じゅうろくꜜ
- じゅꜜう + なꜜな → じゅうなꜜな
- じゅꜜう + しちꜜ → じゅうしちꜜ
- じゅꜜう + はちꜜ → じゅうはちꜜ
- じゅꜜう + きゅꜜう → じゅうきゅꜜう
- じゅꜜう + さん → じゅꜜうさん
- じゅꜜう + ごꜜ → じゅꜜうご
- じゅꜜう + くꜜ → じゅꜜうく
Additional rules for compounding:
- For regular compounds from 20-900 whose accented mora is じゅ, if they additionally compound with a numeral or another compound, the 2nd component's accent takes precedence:
- ごじゅꜜう + いちꜜ → ごじゅういちꜜ
- ごじゅꜜう + さん → ごじゅうさん
- ごじゅꜜう + ろくꜜ → ごじゅうろくꜜ
- ごじゅꜜう + なꜜな → ごじゅうなꜜな
- ごひゃくꜜ + さん → ごひゃくさん
- ごひゃくꜜ + ろくꜜ → ごひゃくろくꜜ
- ごひゃくꜜ + なꜜな → ごひゃくなꜜな
- ごひゃくꜜ + にꜜじゅう → ごひゃくにꜜじゅう
- ごひゃくꜜ + さꜜんじゅう → ごひゃくさꜜんじゅう
- ごひゃくꜜ + ごじゅꜜう → ごひゃくごじゅꜜう
- ごひゃくꜜ + ごじゅういちꜜ → ごひゃくごじゅういちꜜ
- For irregular compounds from 20-900 (in yellow cells in the table), the 1st component's accent takes precedence; if the 2nd component is 起伏, its accent is, alternatively, kept:
- にꜜじゅう + さん → にꜜじゅうさん
- さꜜんびゃく + さん → さꜜんびゃくさん
- にꜜじゅう + ろくꜜ → にꜜじゅうろく or にꜜじゅう ろくꜜ
- にꜜじゅう + なꜜな → にꜜじゅうなな or にꜜじゅう なꜜな
- さꜜんびゃく + ろくꜜ → さꜜんびゃくろく or さꜜんびゃく ろくꜜ
- さꜜんびゃく + なꜜな → さꜜんびゃくなな or さꜜんびゃく なꜜな
- さꜜんびゃく + にꜜじゅう → さꜜんびゃくにじゅう or さꜜんびゃく にꜜじゅう
- さꜜんびゃく + ごじゅꜜう → さꜜんびゃくごじゅう or さꜜんびゃく ごじゅꜜう
- さꜜんびゃく + ごじゅういちꜜ → さꜜんびゃくごじゅういち or さꜜんびゃく ごじゅういちꜜ
- Compounds resulting from rule 1 follow rule 2:
- ごひゃくさꜜんじゅう + さん → ごひゃくさꜜんじゅうさん
- ごひゃくさꜜんじゅう + ろくꜜ → ごひゃくさꜜんじゅうろく or ごひゃくさꜜんじゅう ろくꜜ
- ごひゃくさꜜんじゅう + なꜜな → ごひゃくさꜜんじゅうなな or ごひゃくさꜜんじゅう なꜜな
Numeral+counter
[edit]Compounds formed from one or more numerals and a counter often obey certain rules. Counters can be categorized into five groups, and multiple subgroups, depending on the resulting accent:
- Group D: The resulting accent is mostly 平板:
- Group D1: Always:
- 週(しゅう) → いっしゅう、にしゅう、さんしゅう、よんしゅう、ごしゅう、ろくしゅう、ななしゅう、はっしゅう、きゅうしゅう、じゅっしゅう・じっしゅう
- 倍(ばい) → いちばい、にばい、さんばい、よんばい、ごばい、ろくばい、ななばい、はちばい、きゅうばい、じゅうばい
- Group D2: With exceptions:
- 円(えん) → いちえん、にえん、さんえん、よꜜえん・よꜜんえん、ごꜜえん、ろくえん、ななꜜえん、はちえん、きゅꜜうえん、じゅうえん
- Group D3: With exceptions:
- 日(か) → ついたちꜜ、ふつか、みっか、よっか、いつか・いつかꜜ、むいか、なのか・なぬか、ようか、ここのかꜜ、とおか
- Group D1: Always:
- Group E: The resulting accent is mostly 尾高:
- Group E1: Always:
- 丁目(ちょうめ) → いっちょうめꜜ、にちょうめꜜ、さんちょうめꜜ、よんちょうめꜜ、ごちょうめꜜ、ろくちょうめꜜ、ななちょうめꜜ、はっちょうめꜜ、きゅうちょうめꜜ、じゅっちょうめꜜ・じっちょうめꜜ
- 番目(ばんめ) → いちばんめꜜ、にばんめꜜ、さんばんめꜜ、よんばんめꜜ・よばんめꜜ、ごばんめꜜ、ろくばんめꜜ、ななばんめꜜ、はちばんめꜜ、きゅうばんめꜜ・くばんめꜜ、じゅうばんめꜜ
- Group E2: With exceptions:
- 月(がつ) → いちがつꜜ、にがつꜜ、さꜜんがつ、しがつꜜ、ごꜜがつ、ろくがつꜜ、しちがつꜜ、はちがつꜜ、くꜜがつ、じゅうがつꜜ、じゅういちがつꜜ、じゅうにがつꜜ
- Group E3: With exceptions:
- 尺(しゃく) → いっしゃくꜜ、にしゃくꜜ、さꜜんしゃく、よꜜんしゃく、ごしゃくꜜ、ろくしゃくꜜ、ななꜜしゃく、はっしゃくꜜ、きゅꜜうしゃく、じゅっしゃくꜜ・じっしゃくꜜ
- Group E4: With exceptions:
- 度(ど) → いちどꜜ、にどꜜ、さꜜんど、よꜜんど・よどꜜ、ごどꜜ、ろくꜜど、ななꜜど・しちꜜど、はちꜜど、きゅꜜうど、じゅꜜうど
- Group E5: With exceptions:
- 曲(きょく) → いっきょくꜜ、にꜜきょく、さꜜんきょく、よꜜんきょく、ごꜜきょく、ろっきょくꜜ、ななꜜきょく、はちきょくꜜ、きゅꜜうきょく、じゅっきょくꜜ・じっきょくꜜ
- Group E1: Always:
- Group F: In the resulting compound, the counter's first mora is mostly accented:
- Group F1: Always:
- 時間(じかん) → いちじꜜかん、にじꜜかん、さんじꜜかん、よじꜜかん、ごじꜜかん、ろくじꜜかん、しちじꜜかん・ななじꜜかん、はちじꜜかん、くじꜜかん・きゅうじꜜかん、じゅうじꜜかん
- 箇月(かげつ) → いっかꜜげつ、にかꜜげつ、さんかꜜげつ、よんかꜜげつ、ごかꜜげつ、ろっかꜜげつ、ななかꜜげつ、はちかꜜげつ・はっかꜜげつ、きゅうかꜜげつ、じゅっかꜜげつ・じっかꜜげつ
- Group F2: With exceptions:
- 回(かい) → いっかꜜい、にかꜜい、さんかꜜい、よꜜんかい、ごかꜜい、ろっかꜜい、ななꜜかい、はちかꜜい、きゅꜜうかい、じゅっかꜜい・じっかꜜい
- Group F3: With exceptions:
- 銭(せん) → いっせꜜん、にせꜜん、さんせꜜん、よꜜんせん、ごꜜせん・ごせꜜん、ろくせꜜん、ななꜜせん、はっせꜜん、きゅꜜうせん、じゅっせꜜん・じっせꜜん
- Group F4: With exceptions:
- 寸(すん) → いっすꜜん、にすꜜん、さꜜんずん、よꜜんすん、ごすꜜん、ろくすꜜん、ななꜜすん、はっすꜜん、きゅꜜうすん、じゅっすꜜん・じっすꜜん
- Group F5: With exceptions:
- 合(ごう) → いちごꜜう、にごꜜう、さꜜんごう、よꜜんごう、ごごꜜう、ろくごꜜう、ななꜜごう・しちごꜜう、はちꜜごう、きゅꜜうごう、じゅꜜうごう
- Group F6: With exceptions:
- 畳(じょう) → いちじょꜜう・いちꜜじょう、にじょꜜう・にꜜじょう、さんじょꜜう・さꜜんじょう、よじょꜜう・よꜜんじょう、ごじょꜜう、ろくじょꜜう、ななじょꜜう、はちじょꜜう、きゅうじょꜜう・くじょꜜう、じゅうじょꜜう
- Group F1: Always:
- Group G: The counter's own accent as a free word takes precedence:
- オクタꜜーブ → いちオクタꜜーブ、にオクタꜜーブ、さんオクタꜜーブ、よんオクタꜜーブ、ごオクタꜜーブ、ろくオクタꜜーブ、ななオクタꜜーブ、はちオクタꜜーブ、きゅうオクタꜜーブ、じゅうオクタꜜーブ
- キログꜜラム → いちキログꜜラム、にキログꜜラム、さんキログꜜラム、よんキログꜜラム、ごキログꜜラム、ろっキログꜜラム、ななキログꜜラム、はちキログꜜラム、きゅうキログꜜラム、じゅっキログꜜラム・じっキログꜜラム
- Group H: The accent is tentatively placed on the last mora of the numeral, and if that mora is a 特殊拍, the accent is shifted backward.
- Group H1: Always:
- 個(こ) → いꜜっこ、にꜜこ、さꜜんこ、よꜜんこ、ごꜜこ、ろꜜっこ、ななꜜこ、はちꜜこ、きゅꜜうこ、じゅꜜっこ・じꜜっこ
- キロ → いちꜜキロ、にꜜキロ、さꜜんキロ、よꜜんキロ、ごꜜキロ、ろꜜっキロ、ななꜜキロ、はちꜜキロ、きゅꜜうキロ、じゅꜜっキロ・じꜜっキロ
- Group H2: With exceptions:
- 歳(さい) → いꜜっさい、にꜜさい、さꜜんさい、よꜜんさい、ごꜜさい、ろくꜜさい・ろくさꜜい、ななꜜさい、はꜜっさい、きゅꜜうさい、じゅꜜっさい・じꜜっさい
- Group H3: With exceptions:
- 軒(けん) → いꜜっけん、にꜜけん、さꜜんげん、よꜜんけん、ごけん、ろꜜっけん、ななꜜけん、はちꜜけん、きゅꜜうけん、じゅꜜっけん・じꜜっけん
- Group H4: With exceptions:
- 町(ちょう) → いꜜっちょう、にꜜちょう、さꜜんちょう、よꜜんちょう、ごちょう、ろくꜜちょう・ろくちょꜜう、ななꜜちょう、はꜜっちょう、きゅꜜうちょう、じゅꜜっちょう・じꜜっちょう
- Group H5: With exceptions:
- 問(もん) → いちꜜもん、にꜜもん、さꜜんもん、よꜜんもん、ごもん、ろくꜜもん、ななꜜもん・しちꜜもん、はちꜜもん、きゅꜜうもん、じゅꜜうもん
- Group H6: With exceptions:
- 台(だい) → いちꜜだい、にꜜだい、さꜜんだい、よꜜんだい・よだい、ごだい、ろくꜜだい、ななꜜだい、はちꜜだい、きゅꜜうだい・くだい、じゅꜜうだい
- Group H7: With exceptions:
- 升(しょう) → いꜜっしょう、にꜜしょう、さんじょう、よꜜんしょう、ごしょう、ろくꜜしょう・ろくしょꜜう、ななꜜしょう、はꜜっしょう、きゅꜜうしょう、じゅꜜっしょう・じꜜっしょう
- Group H8: With exceptions:
- 段(だん) → いちꜜだん、にꜜだん、さんだん、よꜜんだん・よだん、ごだん、ろくꜜだん、ななꜜだん・しちꜜだん、はちꜜだん、きゅꜜうだん・くだん、じゅꜜうだん
- Group H9: With exceptions:
- 人(にん) → いちꜜにん、にꜜにん、さんにꜜん、よにꜜん、ごにꜜん、ろくꜜにん、しちꜜにん、はちꜜにん、くにꜜん、じゅꜜうにん
- Group H10: With exceptions:
- 年(ねん) → いちꜜねん、にꜜねん、さんねん、よねん、ごねん、ろくꜜねん、しちꜜねん、はちꜜねん、くねん・きゅꜜうねん、じゅꜜうねん
- Group H11: With exceptions:
- 幕(まく) → ひとꜜまく、ふたまくꜜ、さꜜんまく・みꜜまく、よꜜんまく・よꜜまく、ごꜜまく、ろくꜜまく、ななꜜまく・しちꜜまく、はちꜜまく、きゅꜜうまく、じゅꜜうまく
- Group H12: With exceptions:
- 月(つき) → ひとꜜつき、ふたꜜつき・ふたつきꜜ、みꜜつき、よꜜつき、いつꜜつき、むꜜつき、ななꜜつき、やꜜつき、ここのꜜつき、とꜜつき
- Group H13: With exceptions:
- 揃い(そろい) → ひとꜜそろい、ふたそろいꜜ、みそꜜろい、よそꜜろい、いつꜜそろい、むそꜜろい、ななꜜそろい、はちそꜜろい・やそꜜろい、きゅうそꜜろい、じゅっそꜜろい・じっそꜜろい・とそꜜろい
- Group H14: With exceptions:
- 人(り・たり) → ひとꜜり、ふたりꜜ、みꜜたり、よったりꜜ・よꜜたり
- Group H1: Always:
A more comprehensive index of counters and their groups entitled 助数詞索引 can be found in the NHK日本語発音アクセント辞典.
Examples of words that differ only in pitch
[edit]In standard Japanese, about 47% of words are unaccented and around 26% are accented on the ante-penultimate mora. However, this distribution is highly variable between word categories. For example, 70% of native nouns are unaccented, while only 50% of kango and only 7% of loanwords are unaccented. In general, most 1–2 mora words are accented on the first mora, 3–4 mora words are unaccented, and words of greater length are almost always accented on one of the last five morae.[1]
The following chart gives some examples of minimal pairs of Japanese words whose only differentiating feature is pitch accent. Phonemic pitch accent is indicated with the phonetic symbol for downstep, [ꜜ].
Romanization Accent on first mora Accent on second mora Accentless hashi はし /haꜜsi/
[háɕì] háshì箸 chopsticks /hasiꜜ/
[hàɕí] hàshí橋 bridge /hasi/
[hàɕí] hàshí端 edge hashi-ni はしに /haꜜsini/
[háɕìɲì] háshì-nì箸に at the chopsticks /hasiꜜni/
[hàɕíɲì] hàshí-nì橋に at the bridge /hasini/
[hàɕīɲī] hàshi-ni端に at the edge ima いま /iꜜma/
[ímà] ímà今 now /imaꜜ/
[ìmá] ìmá居間 living room kaki かき /kaꜜki/
[kákì] kákì牡蠣 oyster /kakiꜜ/
[kàkí] kàkí垣 fence /kaki/
[kàkí] kàkí柿 persimmon kaki-ni かきに /kaꜜkini/
[kákìɲì] kákì-nì牡蠣に at the oyster /kakiꜜni/
[kàkíɲì] kàkí-nì垣に at the fence /kakini/
[kàkīɲī] kàki-ni柿に at the persimmon sake さけ /saꜜke/
[sákè] sákè鮭 salmon /sake/
[sàké] sàké酒 alcohol, sake nihon にほん /niꜜhoɴ/
[ɲíhòɴ̀] níhòn二本 two sticks of /nihoꜜɴ/
[ɲìhóɴ̀] nìhón日本 Japan
In isolation, the words hashi はし /hasiꜜ/ hàshí "bridge" and hashi /hasi/ hàshí "edge" are pronounced identically, starting low and rising to a high pitch. However, the difference becomes clear in context. With the simple addition of the particle ni "at", for example, /hasiꜜni/ hàshí-nì "at the bridge" acquires a marked drop in pitch, while /hasini/ hàshi-ni "at the edge" does not. However, because the downstep occurs after the first mora of the accented syllable, a word with a final long accented syllable would contrast all three patterns even in isolation: an accentless word nihon, for example, would be pronounced [ɲìhōɴ̄], differently from either of the words above. In 2014, a study recording the electrical activity of the brain showed that native Japanese speakers mainly use context, rather than pitch accent information, to contrast between words that differ only in pitch.[9]
This property of the Japanese language allows for a certain type of pun, called dajare (駄洒落, だじゃれ), combining two words with the same or very similar sounds but different pitch accents and thus meanings. For example, kaeru-ga kaeru /kaeruɡa kaꜜeru/ (蛙が帰る, lit. the frog will go home). These are considered quite corny, and are associated with oyaji gags (親父ギャグ, oyaji gyagu, dad joke).
Since any syllable, or none, may be accented, Tokyo-type dialects have N+1 possibilities, where N is the number of syllables (not morae) in a word, though this pattern only holds for a relatively small N.
accented syllable | one-syllable word | two-syllable word | three-syllable word |
---|---|---|---|
0 (no accent) |
/ki/ (気, mind) | /kaze/ (風, wind) | /tomeru/ (止める, to stop) |
1 | /kiꜜ/ (木, tree) | /haꜜru/ (春, spring) | /iꜜnoti/ (命, life) |
2 | — | /kawaꜜ/ (川, river) | /tamaꜜɡo/ (卵, egg) |
3 | — | /kotobaꜜ/ (言葉, word) |
Other dialects
[edit]![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/a0/Japanese_pitch_accent_map_-en.png/350px-Japanese_pitch_accent_map_-en.png)
Accent and tone are the most variable aspect of Japanese dialects. Some have no accent at all; of those that do, it may occur in addition to a high or low word tone.[10]
The dialects that have a Tokyo-type accent, like the standard Tokyo dialect described above, are distributed over Hokkaido, northern Tohoku, most of Kanto, most of Chūbu, Chūgoku and northeastern Kyushu. Most of these dialects have a more-or-less high tone in unaccented words (though first mora has low tone, and following morae have high tone); an accent takes the form of a downstep, after which the tone stays low. But some dialects, for example, dialects of northern Tohoku and eastern Tottori, typically have a more-or-less low tone in unaccented words; accented syllables have a high tone, with low tone on either side, rather like English stress accent. In any case, the downstep has phonological meaning and the syllable followed by downstep is said to be "accented".
Keihan (Kyoto–Osaka)-type dialects of Kansai and Shikoku have nouns with both patterns: That is, they have tone differences in unaccented as well as accented words, and both downstep in some high-tone words and a high-tone accent in some low-tone words. In the neighboring areas of Tokyo-type and Keihan-type such as parts of Kyushu, northeastern Kanto, southern Tohoku, around Fukui, around Ōzu in Ehime and elsewhere, nouns are not accented at all.
Kyushu (two-pattern type)
[edit]In western and southern Kyushu dialects (pink area on the map on the right), a high tone falls on a predictable syllable, depending only on whether the noun has an accent. This is termed a two-pattern (nikei) system, as there are two possibilities, accented and not accented. For instance, in the Kagoshima dialect unaccented nouns have a low tone until the final syllable, at which point the pitch rises. In accented nouns, however, the penultimate syllable of a phonological word has a high tone, which drops on the final syllable. (Kagoshima phonology is based on syllables, not on morae.) For example, irogami 'colored paper' is unaccented in Kagoshima, while kagaribi 'bonfire' is accented. The ultimate or penultimate high tone will shift when any unaccented grammatical particle is added, such as nominative -ga or ablative -kara:
- [iɾoɡamí], [iɾoɡamiɡá], [iɾoɡamikaɾá]
- [kaɡaɾíbi], [kaɡaɾibíɡa], [kaɡaɾibikáɾa]
In the Shuri dialect of the Okinawan language, unaccented words are high tone; accent takes the form of a downstep after the second syllable, or after the first syllable of a disyllabic noun.[11] However, the accents patterns of the Ryukyuan languages are varied, and do not all fit the Japanese patterns.
Nikei accents are also found in parts of Fukui and Kaga in Hokuriku region (green area on map).
No accent versus one-pattern type
[edit]In Miyakonojō, Miyazaki (small black area on map), there is a single accent: all phonological words have a low tone until the final syllable, at which point the pitch rises. That is, every word has the pitch pattern of Kagoshima irogami. This is called an ikkei (one-pattern) accent. Phonologically, it is the same as the absence of an accent (white areas on map), and is sometimes counted as such, as there can be no contrast between words based on accent. However, speakers of ikkei-type dialects feel that they are accenting a particular syllable, whereas speakers of unaccented dialects have no such intuition.
Keihan (Kyoto–Osaka type)
[edit]Near the old capital of Kyoto, in Kansai, Shikoku, and parts of Hokuriku (the easternmost Western Japanese dialects), there is a more innovative system, structurally similar to a combination of these patterns. There are both high and low initial tone as well as the possibility of an accented mora. That is, unaccented nouns may have either a high or a low tone, and accented words have pitch accent in addition to this word tone. This system will be illustrated with the Kansai dialect of Osaka.
accented mora | one mora | two-mora word | three-mora word | gloss | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
high tone | (no accent) | /ki/ [kíí] | /kiɡa/ [kíɡá] | /kikara/ [kíkáɾá] | 'mind' (気) |
— | /kaze/ [kázé] | /kazeɡa/ [kázéɡá] | 'wind' (風) | ||
— | /jameru/ [jáméɾɯ́] | 'stop' (止める) | |||
1 | /hiꜜ/ [çíì] | /hiꜜɡa/ [çíɡà] | /hiꜜkara/ [çíkàɾà] | 'day' (日) | |
— | /kaꜜwa/ [káwà] | /kaꜜwaɡa/ [káwàɡà] | 'river' (川) | ||
— | /siꜜroi/ [ɕíɾòì] | 'be white' (白い) | |||
2 | — | (none) | /ataꜜma/ [átámà] | 'head' (頭) | |
3 | — | (few words, if any) | |||
low tone | (no accent) | /˩ki/ [kìí] | /˩kiɡa/ [kìɡá] | /˩kikara/ [kìkàɾá] | 'tree' (木) |
— | /˩ito/ [ìtó] | /˩itoɡa/ [ìtòɡá] | 'thread' (糸) | ||
— | /˩okiru/ [òkìɾɯ́] | 'to get up' (起きる) | |||
2 | — | /˩haruꜜ/ [hàɾɯ́ ~ hàɾɯ̂] | /˩haruꜜɡa/ [hàrɯ́ɡà] | 'spring' (春) | |
— | /˩kusuꜜri/ [kɯ̀sɯ́ɾì] | 'medicine' (薬) | |||
3 | — | /˩maQtiꜜ/ [màttɕí ~ màttɕî] | 'match' (マッチ) | ||
Low tone is considered to be marked (transcribed /˩/). Not all patterns are found: In high-tone words, accent rarely falls on the last mora, and in low-tone words it cannot fall on the first. One-mora words are pronounced with long vowels. |
Accented high-tone words in Osaka, like atama 'head', are structurally similar to accented words in Tokyo, except that the pitch is uniformly high prior to the downstep, rather than rising as in Tokyo.[12] As in Tokyo, the subsequent morae have low pitch. Unaccented high-tone words, such as sakura 'cherry tree', are pronounced with a high tone on every syllable, and in following unaccented particles:
- High tone /ataꜜma/, accent on ta: [átámà], [átámàɡà], [átámàkàɾà]
- High tone /sakura/, no accent: [sákɯ́ɾá], [sákɯ́ɾáɡá], [sákɯ́ɾákáɾá]
Low-tone accented words are pronounced with a low pitch on every mora but the accented one. They are like accented words in Kagoshima, except that again there are many exceptions to the default placement of the accent. For example, tokage is accented on the ka in both Osaka and Kagoshima, but omonaga 'oval face' is accented on mo in Osaka and na in Kagoshima (the default position for both dialects); also, in Osaka the accented is fixed on the mo, whereas in Kagoshima it shifts when particles are added. Unaccented low-tone words such as usagi 'rabbit' have high pitch only in the final mora, just as in Kagoshima:
- Low tone /˩omoꜜnaɡa/, accent on mo: [òmónàɡà], [òmónàɡàɡà], [òmónàɡàkàɾà]
- Low tone /˩usaɡi/, no accent: [ɯ̀sàɡí], [ɯ̀sàɡìɡá], [ɯ̀sàɡìkàɾá]
Hokuriku dialect in Suzu is similar, but unaccented low-tone words are purely low, without the rise at the end:
- /˩usaɡi/: [ɯ̀sàŋì], [ɯ̀sàŋìŋà], [ɯ̀sàŋìkàɾà];
sakura has the same pattern as in Osaka.
In Kōchi, low-tone words have low pitch only on the first mora, and subsequent morae are high:
- /˩usaɡi/: [ɯ̀sáɡí], [ɯ̀sáɡíɡá], [ɯ̀sáɡíkáɾá].
The Keihan system is sometimes described as having 2n+1 possibilities, where n is the number of morae (up to a relatively small number), though not all of these actually occur. From the above table, there are three accent patterns for one-mora words, four (out of a theoretical 2n+1 = 5) for two-mora words, and six (out of a theoretical 2n+1 = 7) for three-mora words.
Correspondences between dialects
[edit]There are regular correspondences between Tokyo-type and Keihan-type accents. The downstep on high-tone words in conservative Keihan accents generally occurs one syllable earlier than in the older Tokyo-type accent. For example, kokoro 'heart' is /kokoꜜro/ in Tokyo but /koꜜkoro/ in Osaka; kotoba 'word' is /kotobaꜜ/ in Tokyo but /kotoꜜba/ in Osaka; kawa 'river' is /kawaꜜ/ in Tokyo but /kaꜜwa/ in Osaka. If a word is unaccented and high-tone in Keihan dialects, it is also unaccented in Tokyo-type dialects. If a two-mora word has a low tone in Keihan dialects, it has a downstep on the first mora in Tokyo-type dialects.
In Tokyo, all nakadaka verbs have the downstep on the second to last mora. This is the last mora of the verb stem, as in /shiroꜜi/ 'be white' and /okiꜜru/ 'get up'. In Kansai, verbs have high- and low-tone paradigms as nouns do. High-tone verbs are either unaccented or are accented on the penultimate mora. Low-tone verbs are either unaccented or accented on the final syllable, triggering a low tone on unaccented suffixes. In Kyoto, verbal tone varies irregularly with inflection, a situation not found in more conservative dialects, even more conservative Kansai-type dialects such as that of Kōchi in Shikoku.[13]
Syllabic and moraic
[edit]Japanese pitch accent also varies in how it interacts with syllables and morae. Kagoshima is a purely syllabic dialect, while Osaka is moraic. For example, the low-tone unaccented noun shinbun 'newspaper' is [ɕìm̀bɯ́ɴ́] in Kagoshima, with the high tone spread across the entire final syllable bun, but in Osaka it is [ɕìm̀bɯ̀ɴ́], with the high tone restricted to the final mora n. In Tokyo, accent placement is constrained by the syllable, though the downstep occurs between the morae of that syllable. That is, a stressed syllable in Tokyo dialect, as in 貝 kai 'shell' or 算 san 'divining rod', will always have the pattern /kaꜜi/ [káì], /saꜜɴ/ [sáɴ̀], never */kaiꜜ/, */saɴꜜ/.[14] In Osaka, however, either pattern may occur: tonbi 'black kite' is [tóm̀bì] in Tokyo but [tòḿbì] in Osaka.
References
[edit]- ^ a b c d e f Labrune, Laurence (2012). The phonology of Japanese (Rev. and updated ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 186–188. ISBN 9780199545834.
- ^ Handbook of Japanese Phonetics and Phonology. Walter de Gruyter. 2015.
- ^ Kubozono, Haruo (1987). 日本語複合語の意味構造と韻律構造. Nanzan University.
- ^ a b Tanaka, Ishiki (2017). 複合名詞の発音とアクセント. NHK.
- ^ Haraguchi, Shosuke (1979). The Tone Pattern of Japanese: An Autosegmental Theory of Tonology. Linguistic Society of America.
- ^ a b c d e Poser, William (1985). The Phonetics and Phonology of Tone and Intonation in Japanese. Massachusetts: Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
- ^ a b Sakuma, Kanae (1919). 国語の発音とアクセント. Tokyo: 同文館.
- ^ a b The Handbook of Japanese Linguistics. Wiley-Blackwell. 2002.
- ^ Tamaoka, K.; Saito, N.; Kiyama, S.; Timmer, K.; Verdonschot, R. G. (2014). "Is pitch accent necessary for comprehension by native Japanese speakers? An ERP investigation". Journal of Neurolinguistics. 27: 31–40. doi:10.1016/j.jneuroling.2013.08.001. S2CID 13831878.
- ^ Shibatani, Masayoshi (1990). The Languages of Japan. Cambridge University Press.
- ^ Shimabukuro, Moriyo (1996). "Pitch in Okinawan Nouns and Noun Compounds". In Reves; Steele; Wong (eds.). Linguistics and Language Teaching: Proceedings of the Sixth Joint LSH–HATESL Conference.
- ^ Phonetically, however, Tokyo accented words sound more like Osaka low-tone words, due to the initial low pitch in both.
- ^ De Boer, Elisabeth (2008). "The Origin of Alternations in Initial Pitch in the Verbal Paradigms of the Central Japanese (Kyōto Type) Accent Systems". In Lubotsky; Schaeken; Wiedenhof (eds.). Evidence and Counter-Evidence. vol. 2.
- ^ Although in other words with the moraic pattern of kai and san the second mora may have a high tone and the first a low tone, this is just the rise in pitch, in an unaccented word or before a downstep, spread across the syllable, and does not depend on whether that syllable consists of one mora or two. Unaccented ha 'leaf', for example, has a rising tone in Tokyo dialect, whereas accented ne 'root' has a falling tone; likewise unaccented kai 'buying' and san 'three' have a rising tone, whereas accented kai 'shell' and san 'divining rod' can only have a falling tone.
Bibliography
[edit]- Akamatsu, Tsutomu (1997). Japanese Phonetics: Theory and practice. Munichen: Lincom Europa. ISBN 9783895860959
- Bloch, Bernard (1950). "Studies in colloquial Japanese IV: Phonemics". Language. 26 (1): 86–125. doi:10.2307/410409. JSTOR 410409.
- Haraguchi, Shosuke (1977). The Tone Pattern of Japanese: An Autosegmental Theory of Tonology. Tokyo: Kaitakusha. ISBN 9780870403712
- Haraguchi, Shosuke (1999). "Accent". In Tsujimura, N. (ed.). The Handbook of Japanese Linguistics. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers. ch. 1, pp. 1–30. ISBN 978-0-631-20504-3.
- 平山 輝男. 全国アクセント辞典 (in Japanese). Tokyo: 東京堂. ISBN 9784490100235
- NHK日本語発音アクセント辞典 (in Japanese). Tokyo: NHK放送文化研究所. ISSN 0288-0008.
- Kindaichi, Haruhiko. Shin Meikai Nihongo akusento jiten 新明解アクセント辞典 (in Japanese). Tokyo: Sanseidō. ISBN 9784385136721.
- Kubozono, Haruo (1999). "Mora and syllable". In Tsujimura, N. (ed.). The Handbook of Japanese Linguistics. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers. ch. 2, pp. 31–61. ISBN 978-0-631-20504-3.
- Martin, Samuel E. (1975). A Reference Grammar of Japanese. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300018134.
- McCawley, James D. (1968). The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese. The Hague: Mouton. OCLC 438994.
- Shibatani, Masayoshi (1990). The Languages of Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521360708.
- Vance, Timothy (1987). An Introduction to Japanese Phonology. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. ISBN 9780887063602.
External links
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